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What drives ingredient-based food fears?

That was the question asked in this article just published in the journal Food Quality and Preference.  The authors, Brian Wansink, Aner Tal, and Adam Brumberg surveyed over 1,000 mothers to study which food ingredients they found fearful, and they consider how such fears can be alleviated.  

The abstract:

This study investigates food fears that are ingredient-based, focusing on the case of high-fructose corn syrup. The results of a national phone survey of 1008 U.S. mothers offer five preliminary sets of observations: first, consumers with a fear of a specific ingredient – such as high-fructose corn syrup – may exaggerate and overweigh perceived risks. Second, such consumers may often receive more information from the internet than from television. Third, they may be partly influenced by their reference group. Fourth, ingredients associated with less healthy foods mainly hurt evaluation of foods perceived as relatively healthy. Fifth, food fears may be offset when an ingredient’s history, background, and general usage are effectively communicated. These findings suggest new insights for understanding how public health, industry, and consumer groups can more effectively target and address ingredient fears.

From the conclusions:

When health risks exist, food fears are merited. In other cases, ingredient fears and avoidance may be wrongly based on the stigmatization of an ingredient or on misinformation. These results offer new preliminary insights about who is most prone to ingredient avoidance, where they receive their information, what types of ingredients are most susceptible to being feared, and how fears might be mitigated.

There appear to be at least two non-mutually exclusive motivating factors behind ingredient avoidance. First, some individuals may overweigh the perceived risks of the avoided ingredient. Second, some individuals who avoid ingredients may have a greater need for social approval among their reference group than those with a more moderate view (though such effects were small in our sample). This is a key contribution to the literature on risk because it underscores a novel potential motivation – akin to the Prius Effect – behind ingredient avoidance.

Future of Food

National Geographic has launched a series of stories and videos on the future of food.  One of the big questions they intend to answer is: how will we feed 9 billion people by 2050 without harming the planet? 

A video on the site hints at their five answers:

  • use resources more efficiently
  • grow more on existing farmland
  • stop expanding farms
  • change our diets
  • reduce waste

It's not a bad list.  The first three will require science and new agricultural research and development if they are to be achieved.  The need for technological progress often gets short shrift in discussions about food sustainability, but here it is (implicitly) a prominent solution.  Even the last "food waste" issue has an important technological dimension.  In many developing countries, food waste is a result of poor storage facilities and transportation infrastructure; it isn't all just a result of rich people throwing away too much food (although that is part of it too).  It seems to me that Land Grant Universities are well poised to address precisely these issues, although I suspect we won't get much mention in National Geographic's stories.   

It is also important to discuss the role of economics - particularly the role of prices - in achieving these outcomes.  We may well need to "change our diets."  But, the question is whether this outcome will result from paternalistic policies and dictates or whether changes in relative prices will cause us to change our diets.  If eating a particular food is, truly, "unsustainable", then the price for it must rise as the resources needed to produce the food become more scarce.  

Here is what I had to say on this issue in the Food Police when discussing organics.

Economics teaches that price differences are important, though sometimes imperfect, signals about resource use.  The price we pay for food in the grocery store must reflect all the costs that went into producing it: from land rent to the value of the farmer’s labor to the prices of seed and fertilizer.  Higher prices for organic means that somewhere along the line, organics used more land, more labor, more seed, more fertilizer, or more of any of the other inputs required to produce food.  The prices of all these inputs were each determined by their scarcity relative to people’s desires to use them for other purposes unrelated to food production.  So, when we see that organic is higher priced, it signals us that organics are using many more of the resources that society finds valuable than non-organics.  Using up more resources is exactly the opposite of sustainable.      

Normally the price mechanism is used to ration scarce resources and signal us as to how to allocate resources over time.  Rising prices for increasingly scarce resources like oil and fertilizer cause us to naturally back away from consuming them – thereby resulting in a “sustainable” future.  The fact that we are now using a lot of oil and fertilizer in agriculture means they are currently in ample supply relative to demand.  The sustainability movement represents an elitist attempt to ration scarce resources using social pressure, guilt, and regulation.

As I've previously discussed, desiring sustainable outcomes is uncontroversial - it's how we go about it that matters.  We need to let price mechanism work in telling us when to cut back on particular foods.  That last sentence in the above quote might seem a tad harsh, but shielding consumers from price changes, and distorting market forces, is truly unsustainable.  

Farm technology adoption: tractor edition

In a paper recently published by the American Economic Review, Rodolfo Manuelli and Ananth Seshardi write on the slow adoption of the tractor in American agriculture:

The abstract:

Many new technologies display long adoption lags, and this is often interpreted as evidence of frictions inconsistent with the standard neoclassical model. We study the diffusion of the tractor in American agriculture between 1910 and 1960-a well-known case of slow diffusion-and show that the speed of adoption was consistent with the predictions of a simple neoclassical growth model. The reason for the slow rate of diffusion was that tractor quality kept improving over this period and, more importantly, that only when wages increased did it become relatively unprofitable to operate the alternative, labor-intensive, horse technology.

A couple thoughts.  It is amazing that, what today seems ubiquitous on the farm, took almost 50 years to reach near full adoption.  The decline in use of horses and mules is quite dramatic.  It is also interesting to see how changes in relative prices (in this case, wages, and the quality-adjusted tractor price) have big impacts on technology adoption.  From a broader perspective, this historical look is a good reminder that the benefits of technologies developed today often take a long-time to fully be realized, and that adoption rates are influenced by a whole host of factors that may, at first blush, seem to have little to do with the technology.  It also reminds us of the risk of rejecting food and farm technologies today.  When we get 50 years down the road, we can't suddenly decide we wish things were different.  It takes time.

New laws on drones could prohibit beneficial agricultural applications

Last year, legislation was introduced to restrict the use of unmanned aerial vehicles in Oklahoma, a proposal which is likely to reappear in the 2014 legislative session.   

The lawmakers who introduced the ACLU-backed bill are to be lauded for attempting to safeguard citizens’ privacy rights and ensure that unmanned aerial vehicles are not used to enhance the power and surveillance capacities of government. However, in attempting to provide these safeguards, the proposal also imposes restrictions so severe that they effectively prohibit legitimate uses of the technology by entrepreneurs and other citizens.     

The bill has met resistance from James Grimsley, the president of the Unmanned Systems Alliance of Oklahoma, and also from the state’s largest newspaper, The Oklahoman

Unmanned aerial vehicles, otherwise known as “drones,” have received something of a bad rap because of their use by the military and police organizations. What isn’t as well-known are the many potential benefits that the technologies could bring to the farmers and citizens of Oklahoma. For example:

  • Aiding in search and rescue after tornadoes and other natural disasters.
  • Monitoring the location and health of cattle.
  • Predicting the yield and water needs of agricultural crops.
  • Ensuring the proper functioning of oil and natural gas rigs and pipelines.
  • More cheaply delivering packages to remote areas of the state.

At issue are concerns over privacy and weaponization. Those are legitimate concerns. However, as Grimsley notes, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) already regulates the use of unmanned aerial vehicles and prevents the use of weapons on drones. Privacy concerns are a legitimate worry, but the restrictions in the proposed Oklahoma legislation are so onerous as to likely prevent the future use of unmanned aerial vehicles for any beneficial purpose in the state. 

Oklahoma agricultural producers operate in a global, competitive environment. The ability to compete with Mexico, Canada, and other countries – not to mention the challenge of producing enough food for a fast-growing world – will require technological advancement. 

New technologies should not be allowed to trample on citizens’ rights. But regulatory zeal should not override farmers’ and ranchers’ access to promising technologies. 

*This piece was cross-posted at the Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs site

 

The new gentleman farmer

That's the the title of a story in the winter issue of WSJ.Money magazine.

The piece documents the rise of the gentlemen and gentlewomen farmers: folks who made millions elsewhere and who are now trying their hand at agriculture - primarily organic agriculture.  

Here are some of the folks jumping in:

It's late afternoon on a Friday, but Lerner, the 58-year-old tech pioneer who co-founded Cisco Systems, is still working, driving her Range Rover around the pastures and barns that make up her 800-acre Ayrshire Farm in Upperville, Va 

. . .

The nation is in the middle of an organic-food boom, and in case you haven't noticed, a surprising number of boldface names are becoming part of it. That includes Oprah Winfrey, who is growing kale, carrots and more than 60 other varieties of vegetables, fruits and herbs on her organic farm on the Hawaiian island of Maui, as well as comedian Roseanne Barr, who is growing macadamia nuts and produce on her organic farm on Hawaii's Big Island. Fashion-world honchos George Malkemus and Anthony Yurgaitis—president and vice president, respectively, of designer shoe brand Manolo Blahnik—have a dairy farm in Litchfield, Conn., where the 325 cows are pasture-fed (at least when the weather allows; otherwise, they are given a special diet of high-quality hay and a premium feed)

 

Are they making any money?  

It appears not.  Indeed much of their fortunes are being lost (or rather perhaps we should say they are spending their fortunes on a consumption good or experience).

But by Lerner's own admission, she has yet to turn a profit on her $7 million-a-year business, which includes two additional farms in the area, bringing her total acreage to 1,200. And at times, it seems she is consciously running it as a nonprofit entity, especially given the considerable time and energy she devotes to research on organic farming practices.

It seems she is having to make some big changes:

she has taken a series of steps to save money, including farming out some of her operations and making adjustments in her meat-packaging operations. Her biggest step of all, though, is deciding to sell a good chunk of the farm. Indeed, some 600 of Ayrshire's 800 acres are now on the market, replete with the mansion she's restored. The asking price: $30 million. To many, this might be seen as an acknowledgement that Lerner has ultimately failed in her mission. She prefers to view it as the next step in the evolution of her business. 

More generally:

But the good intentions of these type-A types notwithstanding, the economics of organic farming are a potential blow to their fairly large egos. These are individuals with scores of successes in life, but experts say that despite the price premiums that come with organic labeling or other likeminded practices, the math doesn't always work out. It is just too expensive to do. For that matter, almost all farming, organic or conventional, is a financial boondoggle when it's outside the realm of factory farming. The median projected income of the American farm in 2013? It's actually a loss of roughly $2,300, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. Is it any wonder that—the organic boom notwithstanding—the number of farms in the U.S. has been on a dramatic decline, from a high of nearly 7 million in the 1930s to 2.2 million today?

Although I have been critical of many of the claims of organic agriculture, one shouldn't be too quick to conclude that all organic farming is unprofitable.  Indeed, many conventional producers have switched some of their operation to organic because they expect higher profits (i.e., they expect the higher price premiums for organic to compensate for lower yields and higher input costs).  But, the ones making money at it typically aren't "gentlemen farmers" or mom-and-pop set-ups.  

In terms of profitability, it may matter less whether one is an organic or non-organic farmer as compared to whether the producer uses efficient practices and technologies.  For example, here is a study about dairies by some of my former colleagues at Purdue University published in the American Journal of Agricultural Economics.  They show that the technology used by organic farms is less efficient than that used by non-organic (organic is about 13% less productive).  However, there are differences in efficiency across farms, both organic and non-organic.  As they say:

To our knowledge, our research is the first to show that economies of scale also exist in organic dairy production.

In other words, size matters - even if you're organic. Larger dairy farms are going to have lower costs. That's true for non-organic and it is true for organic.  Also:

We find that compared to the Upper Midwest, the technology used by farms in the Southeast is more productive. Farms with cows of higher weight also produce more milk. . . .In terms of management practices we find that farms that tend to rent more of their land for either crop production or pasture are less productive. Intuitively, a renter does not have the same incentive as a land owner to invest in the productivity of the land. Farms that raise more of their own feed seem to be less productive. . . .

If gentlemen farmers want to make more money, they may have to stop being so gentlemanly and get down to business.